THE RUSSIAN ALTERNATE HISTORY FROM 1916 to 1921: WHAT IF RUSSIA DEVELOPED INTO A WESTERN-LIBERAL-DEMOCRATIC TRANSPARENT SOCIETY?

1916

A group of reformist officers apprehend and murder Rasputin early in Jan. Gen. Brusilov launches a well-coordinated offensive which, by the sudden collapse of the Austrian frontier threatens to turn the tide in Russian favour, in spite of enormous Russian casualties. However, the Austrian commander, field marshal Straussenberg von Arz is stabilising the front without German help and the two sides are digging down again, though the Russians have gained a considerable moral victory, greatly enhancing the prestige, hitherto so tarnished, of the imperial government.

Herbert Asquith, the Liberal Prime Minister of Britain successfully defeats an attempt by David Lloyd-George to replace him as PM. But Lloyd-George is, nevertheless, accepted into government as War Secretary, the first civilian on that post!

United States’ President Woodrow Wilson, after having won a second term with a narrow margin, appeals to both sides to reach a compromise settlement; a move only causing both sides to scoff the American intervention. After the German naval victory at Jutland (31 May – 2 June) the US decides to dispatch an entire battle-squadron to Bergen and Stavanger in Norway to attempt to keep the two antagonists off each others tails, as well as “protecting and enforcing the free navigation and commerce of the oceans”, as Wilson declares in his State of the Union address, 2 January, 1917.

In October, 12 US battleships steams up the Norwegian fiords to act as a physical barrier between the antagonists. In late September, Wilson appeals to the Russian government to show restraint in the “bloody, merciless, inhumane slaughter of whole peoples” and a little later, the German ambassador in Washington, Baron Zimmermann receives a similarly worded plea. In an unusual act of defiance against his advisors, Tsar Nicholas responds in a personal telegram that his forces will respect the Hague-conventions scrupulously. Thus Russia gains a favourable status vis-à-vis the Americans.

1917

The Americans send “Colonel” House with State Secretary Henry Eggleton to the Netherlands to inquest a possibility to set up a peace conference under US auspices. In March it is established at Utrecht and invitations are being sent out to “All Powers of Europe and Asia to Reach a Fair, Dignified and Just Public Peace Settlement, in accordance with the Laws of Man and Humanity”, signed by President Wilson and Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan.

On the 5 Jan, the Brusilov-offensive is continuing, amidst increasing social and political disorder in Russia itself. Count Stürmer is appointed prime minister by Aleksandra, in Feb.. 1916 but Nicholas, for once objects, fearing the reactions in the military (!) circles, which still favours his cousin, Grand Duke Nicholas Nicholaevich., fires the arch-reactionary, inept stooge, in Nov. and, by the advice of the Liberal Duma President Rodzianko chooses the War Minister Gutchkov to replace him.

Gutchkov’s several reforms are, indeed, successful in boosting the fighting capability of the imperial army, but, nonetheless, nothing can prevent him, in February, 1917 to get fired by the Tsar, in a last attempt to stave of the approaching revolution, long fuelled by general strikes, unrest and mutinies. But the Duma takes matters in their own hand and, by appointing in an unanimous session Prince Lvov to assume the leadership, temporarily displace the emperor’s executive powers. The Tsar, at the Stavka, is confused at the political setting, but a delegation headed by Grand Duke Nicholas the Historian, pleading the Tsar to accept the situation or face the consequences. Yet there is time to avert a disaster. On 16 February Brusilov breaks through the Austro-German lines at Rovno and files out on the Masurian plains just beneath the Carpathians and Tatras. On 1 March, Lemberg is captured, six days’ later Przemysl too falls to the 1 Light Ukraine Lancers and the Finnish Brigade under Major Gen. Baron Mannerheim. Only the quick actions of the German field marshal von Mackensen averts a complete rout of the Central Powers on this front. The Russians are taking some 225,000 prisoners; mostly Austrians, Hungarians, Croats and Romanians. The cost has, however been an immense one. About 1, 075,000 Russian soldiers perish in this campaign!

The military success changes the political situation. The Duma-delegation asks the Emperor to allow a suspension of his imperial prerogatives “in the name of Holy Mother Russia and its suffering people.” The emperor, being pin-balled between the reactionary forces around the empress at Tsarskoe Selo and the liberal government, intent on pursuing the war to a successful end, vacillates, but, finally, on 15 March he signs the suspension document, thereby remaining emperor only by name. An honorary guard effectively put him under house arrest at the Stavka, and a few days later the empress is being secured similarly. A new constitution, invoking clearly republican sentiments is being drafted in Petrograd by jurists and political theorists. On 4 April, the new War minister, Kerensky, having replaced Gen. Shuvaev makes a surprise visit at the emperor’s. He is sensing the still lingering loyalty towards the monarchy, especially after the victory at Rovno, so he recommends a striking of the plan to abolish the monarchy, in favour of retention of a parliamentary monarchy, under Nicholas or his son. In June Lenin, having travelled incognito, with the aid of German agents, is apprehended and later arrested when he disembarks on the Finland-station in Petrograd. He is quickly moved to an isolated dacha some miles outside of the capital. A month later Dzhugashvili, aka Stalin is gunned down in Tbilisi while robbing the central Armory there.

I late February, the US delegation, having been repeatedly frustrated by the recalcitrance of the warring powers, decide to apply force. On 2 March, the German armed trawler Lehmkühn is being sunk while inspecting neutral shipping in a particularly offensive way. But on the following day, the first US Battle Division is turning its muzzles at the 3rd Battle Cruiser Squadron of the Grand Fleet as it hails too close and neglects an instruction to turn about. The British, under Pakenham are at first intent to fight it out, but are retreating, when the battle ship USS Wyoming is firing a live warning shell across the New Zealand’s bows.

On 15 March the Conference at Utrecht is convening. Later its main chapter is moved to the Hague and in the following months both sides are setting up their delegations in lieu of both cities. Germany, undergoing a political crisis, which dethroned the military camarilla under Hindenburg and Ludendorff, is represented by the liberal-Catholic Matthias Erzberger and Heinrich Brüning, a young army-volunteer of solid Catholic background. Russia is represented by the noble Grand Duke Nicholas the Historian and Mikhail Rodzianko, the Duma-president. Britain is represented by Lord Haldane (who, it was alleged, was covertly pro-German, and had been forced out of Government only a few months before) and Sir Humphrey Nicholson from the War Office. France is represented by the octogenarian but still crisply intelligent ambassador to the UK, Paul Cambon, former premier René Viviani and the eminently competent and former moderate left-winger but now Conservative Republican Alexandre Millerand. After some controversy, the one true victim of the war, Belgium, decided to send its powerful and neutralistic prime minister Charles, Baron de Broqueville supported by his very competent foreign minister and rival Paul Hymans. Serbia was invited too, but only after considerable delay, did its aggressive premier decide to dispatch the relatively harmless Dr Veselin Dragomirovic to attend the conference. The Austro-Hungarian delegation proved to be the most interesting of all. The young, newly acceded emperor and king, Karl I (IV of Hungary) elected to allow the Trialist radical Hungarian count Mihály Károlyi von Nágykaroly head his delegation, ably and aggressively supported by the Austrian Social Democrat Viktor Adler and the Czech member of the Kronraat, Frantizék Schmetter.

A few of the divisive, severe issues to be dealt with by the conference was the infamous Bryce-report, pointing to alleged German atrocities committed in Belgium and Northern France, a future German reparation of war damages to Belgium, insisted upon by the Belgian and British governments, the Wilson declaration on the Fourteen Points and how to reorganise the European map accordingly and, finally, an end to the secret, closed diplomacy and alliances which, in the American view had directly precipitated the outbreak of war. The Americans insisted on the warring parties declaring a common time-limited cease-fire in order for the conference to begin at all.

The Bryce-report was the easiest, though not emotionally the best issue to deal with. Headed by the US Supreme Court Associate jurist William Rufus Day, a commission constituted of American jurists, political scientists and senators, among whom figured John DuPre, William Trammell, William E. Borah, Bill Agee, Oliver B. Ormond and Prescott T Hayes and the US Labor leader William D Haywood within the following 7 months successfully managed to refute about 90 percent of the allegations as being either grossly exaggerated or lies and falsifications. (Though both the French and certain circles in Belgium refused to accept the findings of the commission until their own investigation reached the same conclusions.)

The cease-fire ordinance was published on 22 September 1917 and required the combatants in the West to retreat, regardless of gained positions to a distance of 100 miles off each other, and the erection of a Truce-line of Non-Combat and Aggression in-between, patrolled by US soldiers, arriving at Antwerp, at the daily rate of 1,500.

In Germany the US mediation was at first smirked at, but the Reichstag, with a solid Social Democratic-Liberal majority welcomed the US peace-leadership, as a way of wresting control out of the Kaiser’s hands.

In an unprecedented move, the Reichstag ordered, above the Kaiser’s head, the German Military Staff to acquiesce and comply with the American requests, and also ordered the North Sea Channels to be swept clear of mines. When the generals objected, first Falkenhayn was ordered to step down, the Reichstag even sending a delegation to instrument his arrest if necessary but also Hindenburg, Falkenhayn’s successor was ordered to compliance of the American instrument of truce. When the Kaiser, Wilhelm II, attempted, in his capacity as Prussian King to sidestep the Reichstag, the Prussian Landestag, or Parliament took up the imperial challenge and not only appointed a commission to supervise on behalf of Prussia the proceedings in Hague, but furthermore to arrest the royal power-usurpation, as the Social Democratic and Liberal majority perceived it. Much to the emperor’s surprise and the open glee of his enemies, the Prussian armed forces, the Landeswehr remained in their barracks and the royal coup d’etat ran out in the sands. Mortified, Wilhelm, on 5 November, 1917, declared that he would rather abdicate than accept the foreign imposition of terms of peace upon Germany. Already after the second Somme, and especially after his brilliant victory at Aisne, his son and heir, Crown prince Wilhelm had pleaded with the Kaiser to end the useless bloodbath. Now, led by the strong-willed Friedrich Ebert of the Social Democratic party, Gustav Stresemann and Ernst Bassermann from the German National Liberal Party, the Reichstag seized the presented opportunity. On 11 November, 1917, the emperor’s executive powers were declared being suspended and in his place Crown prince Wilhelm was proclaimed Regent, with the overly colorless, but pliant Count Georg von Hertling as Chancellor, but with a civilian camarilla, headed by Stresemann and Bassermann in the background, preparing Germany’s exit from the world conflict.

The German political revolution paid off. Early in September 1917, in a confidential letter mediated through the Bavarian General Field marshal and Crown prince Rupprecht, to Crown prince Wilhelm, King Albert I of Belgium, the exiled resistance symbol of that hounded country pledged co-operation with a new parliamentary responsible government of Germany, if Germany would comply with the proposed American terms of cease-fire. The German response, largely authored by Stresemann and forwarded in person by the new foreign minister Rear Admiral Paul v. Hintze, was generally cautiously positive, but signalled a German readiness to come to terms. As a further signal, Cardinal Mercier in Liège was allowed open and unobstructed worship and congregation-services, lambasting openly against the vile, oppressive German occupation of Belgium.

The German political shuffle, coming so suddenly, with the military camarilla’s collapse and the dismissal of both Falkenhayn and later still, of Hindenburg and Ludendorff and the appointment in their place of the octogenarian General Field Marshal Remus von Woyrsch, threw the tables of the Entete’s politicians quite severely. Now Belgium began to move independently diplomatically, with American troops belonging to “Black Jack” Pershing’s AEF pouring into that country at a regular rate. Any American preference of the Allied cause above that of the Central Powers could hardly be expected. The British government shook in its foundations, with Lloyd-George again attempting to oust Asquith from the premiership, only resulting in a clear defeat of his proposal in the Commons, by a majority of 245, resulting in his own resignation from the Cabinet and a political life in the wilderness. The French government, with most at stake, barely survived the German political about-turn and admitted the fire-eater Georges Clemenceau into it, though, for now, his role was limited.

The Americans rewarded the Germans by a public acknowledgment of their measures taken so far to insure compliance to the American terms, even sending Duncan U. Fletcher, jun. Senator of Florida as envoy to Berlin, serving as Wilson’s personal mouth and ear at Wilhelmstrasse.

In Russia, in the meantime, the last offensive threatened to crumble under the Austro-German pressure, for in the East, no cease-fire had been proclaimed and both sides attempted to gain the most favourable positions possible. At Kulm, the Austrian army under Böhm-Ermolli gained a spectacular victory over gen. Jushtschuk, but Lt.-Gen. Baron Mannerheim with the Finnish and Czech legions managed to halt the Austrian progress and at Chumvno defeated the Hungarians under gen. Hóyos. No side actually managed to break the power of the others. In Italy, the Austrians under Arch Dukes Eugen and Johann began a series of deliberate attacks against the Izonzo-frontier, resulting in Cadorna’s temporary dismissal and the victory of the Duke of Aosta at Piave, in Nov. 1917. Eugen was dismissed and Böhm-Ermolli recalled from the East to assume command in the South. In the meantime, the Italian fleet, under the able Duke of Abruzzi led a sortie, well-planned and initially executed Northwards into the Adriatic Gulf. Here, however, the Imperial and Royal fleet of Adm. Haus lay in wait. The resulting disorganised battle was a clear-cut Austro-Hungarian victory, resulting in a relief of the Mount Lovcen-expeditionary force, attempting to expel the last Serbian forces in the Epirote Mountains as well as opening up the Straits of Otranto to the Austro-Hungarian submarines, which, in the following months accounted for Allied shipping totalling 233,000 tonnes. Two of the most successful submarine-commanders were Ober-Leutnant Georg Ritter von Trapp of the U 5 and U 14 and the Czech-Ruthenian Ober-Leutnant Zdenko Houdecek, in U 17 and U 28. The Allied war effort in the Mediterranean was more or less arrested by the declaration of the unrestricted submarine warfare, in March 1917. But, after US, insistence, the rules of engagements were substantially changed in October the same year.

In the meantime, whereas the US Atlantic fleet, now reorganised at Bergenfjord, Norway, effectively bottled up the German High Seas Fleet at Kiel, the British almost caused a breach in its relation with the American government. On 22 October, 1917, the US cruiser Birmingham patrolled the assigned non-combat exclusion zone, when the British submarine E 14, under Lt.-Cdr. Coymyss fired two torpedoes at her, later alleging it was a German cruiser of the Magdeburg-class he had aimed at. The Birmingham was severely damaged but, with the loss of six crew and 17 wounded, managed to limp back to Bergenfjord. The US reaction was immediate and forceful. The entire US battle-fleet exited the Bergenfjord base, heading toward Scapa Flow. Simultaneously the Grand Fleet, in a decidedly superior position steamed out under the impetuous Sir David Beatty’s command. Everything seemed set for a naval confrontation between the US and British fleets. But fog and false reports of the sailing of the German High Seas Fleet compelled the British to withdraw, quite luckily for Adm. Benson, the US commander, since his force constituted of only 14 dreadnoughts, compared to 24 British! But the Americans together with the German High Seas fleet would have acquired a decisive superiority and it was this sobering thought which forced the British government to admit its mistake, cashier Coymyss and offer indemnity to the Americans. But the relations were now strained and the Germans by simply allowing their ships to swing at their buoys had, in fact, gained an advantage over the trigger-happy British.

The Germans, in spite of fierce naval and military opposition decided not to attack any US-flagged merchant vessels either. Adm. Bachmann fought a losing battle over the unrestricted submarine campaign by the summer of 1917, together with the High Seas fleet commander Reinhard Scheer. In fact, it was the relatively unimpressive and docile Rear Admiral von Hintze, now foreign minister, who succeeded in persuading the new government about the political negative implication of a continuance of that policy. His credibility was relatively high, being a naval officer himself, but it took the September Crisis to finally bring his policy change home. On 2 November 1917 the unrestricted warfare was abandoned and an adjoining note was dispatched to Secretary Daniels, with the content of the German government’s decision.

Also, in November, 1917 the Allies attempted to conduct a massive raid on the Scandinavian convoys as a last attempt to redress the strategic situation in the North and West. It failed due to German skill in counter attacking and the massive use of mines. Thus the large cruisers Furious and Glorious both blundered into a minefield off the Scheldte and were very nearly lost, while the battle cruiser Repulse took massive damage from the German battle cruisers Derfflinger and Seydlitz.

In Hungary the first political rift which would pave the way for major and radical political reforms came with the King’s appointment of the Plebeian Dr Wekerle Sándor as Hungarian Prime Minister. Wekerle faced a split parliament, where Tisza, Andrássy and other nobles gathered support for an almost fanatical pro-German stanch, whereas the more liberal and constitutionally radical but still royalist Károlyi believed that the partition of the empire was imminent with the finalisation of the negotiations in The Hague. Wekerle, however, believed his mandate for suffrage reform came from the United States, when President Wilson published his famous Fourteen Points, of which number Ten stated that "The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity of autonomous development." To Wekerle, this sounded like a green light for suffrage reform that would also guarantee the integrity of the historic Hungary, with its adjoining provinces intact, but linguistic and political reforms being implemented. The Emperor-King, being a most idealistic person with a very kind and generous disposition, wholeheartedly agreed, somewhat surprisingly to Wekerle’s notion, and, indeed, added to it by writing a kind and appealing letter to President Wilson, who responded in a sympathetic tone, emphasizing the importance of the self-determination of all peoples of the earth. Thus, Emperor-King Karl of the Habsburg Empire, in reality agreed to the future dismemberment and abolition of his realm.

By early 1918, the Habsburg Empire was in an acute state of political turmoil, similar to those facing Russia. Late 1917, the Imperial Chancellor, Count von Clam-Martinic had thrown in the towel in the face of the growing opposition to the continuation of the war and lack of suffrage. His successor was the politically conservative but socially radical Count Károlyi von Nagykaroly, now returned from Hague, who formed an informal alliance with the Hungarian Prime Minister Wekerle pointed at the Austrian Premier Hussarek von Heinlein who opposed even the basic demands of suffrage and also turned down the Wilsonian program entirely. With the Emperor’s active support a serious reform was now undertaken; on 15 May the Imperial Federated Program was presented, renaming the Empire The Danube Federation (Donauer Bundeskaiser und Königtums) and with the Emperor himself reduced to a largely figurehead with the title Federal Emperor (Bundeskaiser) The trialist program sponsored by Károlyi was scrapped in favor of the Imperial agenda of inclosing the major ethnic-national groups within the Empire’s boundaries into full nationhood-status and recognition of their languages as well as awarding every citizen full suffrage. Since, from 1 May 1918, the Americans, with the threat of cutting off the vital supply-chain from the West, had imposed upon the Italians and Rumanians to accept a cease-fire, and a month later another cease-fire was successfully negotiated between the Austrians and the Russians on the Eastern Front, the Emperor devoted much of his time trying to plead for his radical federal idea: thus on 15 May, the same day it was presented in the Parliament, Karl addressed a crowd in Prague, a week later, in Pressburg he did the same, while Károlyi, having accepted the necessity of implementing reforms in the state, addressed the Hungarian parliament in Budapest on 3 August. On 7 August Prince Sixtus of Bourbon-Parma, the Emperor’s brother-in-law, met, informally, the US Assistant Secretary of State Walter Lippmann, from whom he received assurance on the continued survival of the Habsburg-monarchy, under certain conditions. One was that the three powers holding what formerly constituted the state and Kingdom of Poland should together negotiate and resurrect that state, within “reasonable, historic” borders. Karl immediately agreed and wrote a letter on this matter to the German Regent, Crown Prince Wilhelm, but met with abject refusal. However, another similar communication with Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria clearly showed the crack in the German position, since the Bavarian representative was interested in re-establishing a sovereign Poland. Further exchange of notes with the Russians, under Prince Lvov, indicated a readiness by them to accept the American proposal, but they added a vague article about maintaining a certain stewardship over the new state, which Karl, in turn, rejected and which objection he made known to Lippmann.

While Russia slowly, but now steadily transformed into a liberal democracy; the first free and full-suffrage elections being held on 15 June, 1917, followed by by-elections in March 1918, the awkwardness of the suspended Tsar, Nicholas, increased. However, the democratic government, now assailed from all sides (In the summer of 1917 royalist forces under Gen. Kornilov had attempted a botched coup d’etat, while six months’ later Lenin was finally executed for treason and attempt at armed rebellion, though the capital punishment was formally abolished in April 1917!), obviously realized that the political value of a “declawed” emperor, acting as a focal-point was immense still. Thus, on 22 June, 1918 a whole new constitution was presented wherein the imperial position was preserved, though the title was demoted several degrees, from being “Imperator and Autocrat of All-Russias” to simply “Russian Emperor”. When offered the position and requested to sign the new constitution, Nicholas hesitated and asked to confer with his old advisors. Most of them, including his cousin, the mild and humanitarian Grand Duke Nicholas the Historian urged him to sign and serve for the good of Russia, in spite of the future territorial cessation necessary. Empress Aleksandra, already weak and sickly suffered a severe mental breakdown upon receiving the news that, on the 16 July Nicholas had finally put his signature on the document, thereby effectively creating a new constitutional monarchy with him as a puppet emperor, a symbol of unity. Among the last vestiges of limited power remaining in Nicholas’ hands was the privilege to appoint the new prime minister, though this he did from consultation and a selected list of candidates. The prefix “Imperial” was struck by May 1919 from almost all public buildings, the army and navy, those only being referred to as “Russian Army” or “Russian Navy”

On 5 September, 1918, Nicholas signed another important document, which in principal restored the Republic of Poland on the European map. Already on 18 August did Emperor Karl do the same, followed, most reluctantly a week later by Crown Prince Wilhelm of Germany. Almost a year earlier the grand duchy of Finland had declared its independence, withdrawn its troops from the Russian armies, and, with explicit American support denied Russian naval vessels access through the Hango-channel, effectively barring Russian submarine operations against German shipping. On 6 December, 1917, Russia had, somewhat grudgingly accepted Finland’s cessation and agreed to exchange diplomats. Per-Edwin Svinhufvud became Finland’s first president.

1918

On 21 Jan. 1918, Emperor Wilhelm II of Germany finally abdicated the throne in favor of his son, who became Wilhelm III (1918), but the succession was precipitated by a series of hunger demonstrations, illegal strikes and violent riots, forcing the police to shoot dead more than 100 people across Germany. The new Kaiser appeals to the Americans and his enemies in the Entete to hurry the peace negotiations up and promises German full compliance. But the German negotiators at The Hague are less than pleased with this overt Imperial capitulation, and Matthias Erzberger demands a retraction of the message from the Emperor. Another complication Wilhelm faces when the Prussian Landestag refuses to recognize his royal entitlement and, instead chooses to elevate the pliant Prince Eitel-Friedrich to King. Realizing the untenable situation, Wilhelm, on 19 April offers the crown back to the Reichtag, declaring that only a popular vote would make him accept the German crown. Rather to his surprise and disgust, the Reichstag, with full executive powers and coerced into this move by the Stresemann-Bassermann camarilla offers the crown to Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, who, on 2 May 1918 accepts it and accedes the throne as Emperor Rupprecht I (1918-55)

This latest accession finally brings some civil rest in the harassed political life of Germany, since the dethroned Hohenzollerns are representing the abject German militarism, whereas Rupprecht is widely known and respected for his fairly liberal views and moderate stanch. Since he does surrender the right to succession in Bavaria to his son Albrecht, the ties between the “Länder” and the imperial power diminishes markedly. On 1 June he signs the most liberal German constitution ever, which relegates him into a mostly representative position.

Thus Germany gains a new but yet old imperial dynasty, the House of Wittelsbach, whereas the deposed emperor Wilhelm II volunteers to go into Dutch exile, soon joined by his son. Eitel-Friedrich is now King Frederick V of Prussia (recognizing his grand-father the “100-days” Emperor Frederick III (1888) as number IV. Also he let his Landestag pass an overly liberal constitution molded as to never again permit German militarism from prevailing. Most German states within the months April to October 1918 introduces liberal or radical constitutions, and, on 1 September the German Empire is officially dissolved and, in its place A Federated German Empire (Deutsches KaiserBund) is proclaimed.

In Austria the first referendum is held according to the Wilsonian Fourteen Points. An overwhelming royalist majority carries the vote and Austria is the first country to accept the new constitution devised by the Hungarian Minister of Education, Albert Apponyi, Gróf Nagy-Appony, which envisaged major structural reforms to insure the retention of the imperial and royal structures. It was added upon by the very savvy and moderate Czech nationalist leader Dr Tómas Garrigue-Masarýk, whom the Emperor Karl had met in secrecy several times during 1917. As a further prerequisite the Emperor in his willingness to conform to the different ethnic demands granted full pardon and even welcomed home the independent Czech Legion from Russia, asking the Russian government, under truce to let it pass through. Its legendary commander Milan Stéfanik was elevated to the rank of Colonel-General and, on 5 May received at Schönbrunn by the Emperor himself. Barely a month later the Czechs with reassuring majority joined the Austrians and accepted the new federal constitution; Dr Masarýk being elected in a separate election Bohemia-Moravia’s new president of the Council of State. On 6 September, after political struggle, the Hungarian House of Deputies voted to join the constitution, with Wekerle as Premier and Apponyi as the King’s minister at Budapest. The ardent nationalists with Andrássy at their head were eclipsed from power. At the end of the year both the moderates in Slovenia and Croatia had voted yes to join too; the Croats out of fear of being subject to Serbian domination if they did not. The Slovenes, harried by persistent Italian claims on their territory, saw a reinvigorated, reformed empire as their best guarantee to retain their own land intact. The Slovaks joined by the smallest possible margin on 7 October, but the referendum was not immediately recognized by the American Control Commission headed by Sen. James F. Brogan (Dem NH) and it was not till 19 May the following year the Slovaks were admitted.

With the referendums carried successfully, Emperor Karl, on 1 December 1918 laid down the Apostolic Crown and, instead accepted his new role as federal emperor with limited power and a largely symbolic role. The following day, the navy struck their red-white-red ensigns and, instead hoisted the saffron-yellow ensign with the Habsburg eagle in the centre, thereafter denoting the new federal flag. On 1 February, 1919, in order to comply with a further demand by the Americans, the former Austro-Hungarian battleships of the First and Second Battle squadrons, under Linienshiffkapitäne Horthy and Daublebsky sailed to neutral ports to acquiesce mostly Italian demands to accept a general truce. The ships were to remain firmly in their crews hands and, as a further precaution, Daublebsky decided on his own initiative to hoist the US colors.

In Russia the work to abridge and reconciliate the many conflicting factions in society went ahead with some speed. On 6 May (Old Style) a massive public appearance was staged where the Emperor, Nicholas II promulgated the new constitution and swore the oath to it. This took place in his ancestral town of Rostov and on his 50th- birthday. The crowd was visibly moved and several times chanted elations at the Emperor. The address delivered by the Empress Aleksandra, however, was a failure since she was booed at. When Grand Duchess Olga Nicholaevna together with her sisters Tatiana and Marie, made a public speech in support of the newly proclaimed constitution, they were met by ovations and a huge display of sympathy. In total about 2 million Rubles were showered or granted to the Russian public or war veterans, most of it funded by French bonds having been cashed in. But the 50-year Jubilee was an outstanding and badly needed public success, which cemented a new role for the Imperial family, farther away from the center of power but closer to the people.

(Maria is married, see Marriages & Engagements)

1919

On 21 June, 1919 the final peace settlement was signed in the lavish Town hall in the City Hall of The Hague. The signatories of all the warring parties were simultaneously invited to sit down, with the American president Woodrow Wilson, having crossed the Atlantic the preceding month on the huge battleship USS New York. The signatory for Russia was now the old former foreign minister Goremykin, since; early in March 1918 the able and noble-minded Rodzianko had died of pneumonia.

The Germans ceded the Alsace-region to France, preceded by a popular referendum. The Lorraine/Lothringen dispute was to be settled by international arbitration. In the meantime the area was declared a neutral, demilitarised zone where some 20,000 American troops were positioned as guarantors of peace. Poland was re-established by mutual consent among the Great Powers in possession of Polish territory. It was largely formed around the borders of 1785 with certain adjustments to suit both German, Russian and Austrian-Moravian demands.

Furthermore, in compliance with popular referendums the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania were established.

Both Germany and the Habsburg Empires came out of the war with some territorial losses, but the only country which was granted war reparation of any size was Belgium, to which Germany agreed to pay 300 billion Gold marks. Turkey or the Ottoman Empire was not included in the treaties, since its situation was far more complex. However, the close relations between Germany and the Porte were severed and Germany obliged to work for an equitable settlement also in the Mid East.

France, on the other hand did not achieve its complete victory, nor did Italy. In the disputed areas popular referendums were to be held and the majority would decide. The demographic rule settled upon was as of Jan. 1914. Thus all countries in the end both lost and gained territory. The German High Seas Fleet, a thorn in the British eye was retained, though its status concurrently was partial disarmament till a final settlement had been drafted. The new German government hinted that it was in no obvious need of such a large and expensive tool of war, but rather a better balanced, slimmed navy; a fact seized upon by the American mediators, who summoned for 1920 a fleet conference at Washington to settle the sizes of the post-war navies.

Serbia, bitter and resentful about its small gains in a bloody, largely self-inflicted war, demanded both Hungarian territory (such as Slavonia) and part of the navy. Neither was granted. Instead the Federal Danube-navy was handed back, early 1920 to their former owners, but the dreadnoughts and serviceable pre-dreadnoughts went into mothball almost directly. The Adriatic was declared a neutral zone with equal rights of fishery and free passage.

No one was entirely happy about the settlements, exchanged on 9 July, but, since most governments were preoccupied with domestic unrest or trouble, they acquiesced to it as being the most equitable outcome possible. When King Albert of Belgium and German Emperor Rupprecht shook hands in front of the cameras on the stairs to the Guild Hall of Utrecht where the German signature had been delivered, it was a sign of reconciliation.

(Tatiana is married. See Marriages & Engagements)

1920

Russia holds general elections to the Duma: a vast royalist majority carries the elections, bringing down Kerensky and elevating former army general Brusilov as premier. His tenure is short. Already two months afterwards he is brought down and another coalition government if formed under Kerensky and with Prince Lvov as foreign minister. An extensive reform package is introduced and the emperor is asked to give his approval of them. The nobility is secured by law, but no new ennoblements are to be allowed. The Senate is demoted in prestige by the incorporation of 200 more members, in addition to the 100 it already constituted of. The imperial yachts are sold off or transferred to the navy, and when the old armoured cruiser Rossiya is scrapped the battleship Imperator Nikolay II is renamed Rossiya.

The Imperial family is settling down at Tsarskoe Selo, with Livadia now being used as a government residence and representative building.

Russia and Germany re-establish diplomatic ties. In June, 1920, the German Emperor Rupprecht visits Petrograd and is received with great acclaim. Later, in 1921 Nicholas with family reciprocate the gesture.

Rupprecht I, German Emperor visits Petrograd during the summer regatta there, between 13-24 June. The reception is overwhelmingly positive and the Empress regains some of her never too great popularity by constantly refusing to speak German and insist on either English or translators. Rupprecht is a jovial, kind old soldier who has found him self at ease with his new, largely representative role. The politics are conducted by German foreign minister Stresemann and Russian foreign minister Prince Lvov.

On 11 July, the Imperial family sets out for a state visit in the US. The Standart brings them to Portsmouth were the British royal family is meeting. Here, Grand Duchess Olga is betrothed to David, the Prince of Wales, but still questions about the religious conversion are imperilling the whole arrangement. Also Olga is far from impressed by the easy-going, shallow and mostly brusque and irascible David, which causes further concern.

15 July: the battleship Queen Elizabeth sets out from Portsmouth heading for New York. Arriving 12 days later the Imperial family is received by an enthusiastic, jubilant crowd, especially intent on beholding the daughters, all now full-grown, beautiful women, and the dream of many men even in this, the most eligible state in the world. Also the Tsarevich is in the limelight. The reason for the trip is two-fold. It was reciprocal thanks for the negotiation resulting in the peace at Portsmouth (NH) in 1905 and the Treaties at The Hague and Utrecht, of 1919.

Also the Heir-Apparent’s Haemophilia was causing much growing concern which made the family with the blessing of the Russian government attempt to seek help in one of the most respected blood-clinics in the New England area.

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